Francafrique on Al Jazeera

Following on the last post about the corruption scandal in Guinea, a recently-broadcast 3-part Al Jazeera documentary is especially well-timed (now that Al Jazeera America has launched and subsequently Al Jazeera's website has been blocked in the US, I may be just teasing Moved 2 Monrovia's American readers). This excellent three-part exposé, The France-Africa Connection, can be accessed online in three 45-minute episodes on the Al Jazeera website.

While reading up the topic will give interested viewers more depth into the long, sordid, shocking relationship between France and its colonies, documentary programming like this are electrifying for their vintage footage, however fleeting. Anyone interested in African history can only dream of having hours to look through all these archive news reels. 

In this respect, Episode Two is especially riveting, concentrating on the shocking "Elf Affair," which revealed how metropolitan French politics were infused with dirty money from oil exploitation from Francophone Africa, especially Gabon. Included here are brief glimpses of rare footage of Brazzaville, pockmarked by gunfire in the wake of the Nguesso-Lissouba conflict. 

Legendary prosecutor Eva Jolly also makes an appearance at the end, calmly recounting her life-risking exposure of the Elf scandal. 

All three episodes reference astonishing chapters in this complex, often ugly history, such as the mention in Episode 1 of the now openly-admitted poisoning of Cameroonian opposition candidate Félix Roland Moumié, and the counterfitting of the Guinean currency to destablise the regime of its democratically elected leader, as well as some disturbing retelling of the Biafran crisis, where France tried to undermine British power in the Gulf of Guinea.  

Across the entire broadcast, the grey-haired, liver-spocked old men, sitting in their gilded salons in Paris, could not be more frank in admitting to and confirming the malfeasance and shenangians that went on for decades in French West and Equatorial Africa, from Conakry to the Congo. 

One of the more compelling interviews is Jean Pierre Cot, who, as a young public servant was named Minister of Cooperation in the early days of the Mitterand cabinet. Having never been to Africa, much less positioned within the corruption networks, Cot's year in office was a rare, brief moment of reform, retold in his own words from 30-year old footage as a baby-faced Cot steps off an Air Afrique jet to visit a village, and speaks of a new era of fairness and partnership that never came.

The third episode is especially fascinating. In post-cold war era, as realpolitik pros age and die and new powers, especially China, arrive on the continent, and the traditions of feality to Paris slacken. The bonds with metropolitan France aren't exactly broken, but in some cases are reversed. 

Gabonese President Ali Bongo's endless suitcases of cash, stashed in corners of Crillion Hotel suites, not so much lubricated French party politics, but became one of the post important power nodes in the entire country, hand selecting freshman ministers across the political spectrum. Rather than simply being an industrial-commodity exploitation, now cash was the main extraction flowing out of Africa with the Presidents-for-life playing their former colonial masters.

Just as this bizarre arrangement reached its sprawling, viscous apex, its main underwriters, the founding father of Cote D'Ivoire and Françafrique itself, Hophouët-Biogny, passed away. The other pillar of Françafrique, Ali Bongo, died in 2009, succeeded by his son. 

This last episode includes several pristine panoramas of the Basilica in Yamoussoukro... 

...but more memorably features some shocking footage of the night-time bombing of Gbagbo loyalists on bridges Abidjan, and hundreds scattering and falling as French forces fire on protesters outside the Hotel Ivoire. 

Rather than being the final unravelling of Françafrique, the arrangement seems to live on in a post-classic form, as French intervened in the Gbagbgo-era Ivorian crisis, and its commercial tentacles still firmly grip the economic levers of West and Central Africa in the Sarkozy era, when ministers who spoke ill of Françafrique found themselves suddenly without portfolio.  While Hollande has declared a new era, French companies still operate ports and mines from Cote D'Ivoire to Congo. 

The Crimes

It was a big, historic day for Liberia, West Africa, and the world as the verdict against Charles Taylor was read at the Special Court for Sierra Leone, some 3000 miles away in the Netherlands. Most of Monrovia tuned in, via radio and television, to hear the Judge read out the entire summary. The city was calm yet agitated, as people rushed to cluster around the nearest news outlet, and a few took to the streets. 


It was not exactly a sound-bite friendly format: the reading of the summary judgement took more than two hours, without the single-second drama of an OJ Simpson-style jury statement. I don't know how anticipated this was, but only the BBC and Al Jazeera covered the event live, and even they broke occasionally when the Judge took a sip of water to continue reading the 40+ page decision. 


Despite the court's dry tone and lengthly speech, the review of the case of striking, as it took more than a quarter of an hour just to read the charges against Taylor: with categories of crime, dates, times, brief descriptions of various events. If have copied that portion of the transcript of today's session below. 

In newspaper coverage of the trial, the list of the accusations, when rattled off, is so vast and vague that the real events they are based on can be forgotten. And while the summary does not detail the tens of thousands of pages of testimony and transcripts that the Judges reviewed, it does reference enough context to remind us that these charges are the result of specific acts of violence and inhumanity. 

In the wake of Taylor's guilty verdict, in which not all of the prosecution's case was proven, it is no longer about Charles Taylor, the single man. The list below recounts hundreds of individual and collective horrors, whole classes of atrocities which occurred countless times to thousands of people. What number of homes and businesses were looted? How many were burned down, and how many people were inside? In total, many murders relate to the following list? How many rapes? How many were in public? What was the final count on the number of amputations? In the end, how many young people had been coerced, drugged, fooled or forced into soldiering or slavery? How many escaped and were sent back, their fate sealed? When does a rape victim become recategorized as a sex slave? 


How many lives did this war destroy? These were the thoughts running through my mind before the judge asked Charles Taylor to stand and learn his fate. 


MURDER, a Crime Against Humanity, punishable under Article 2.a. of the Statute. (Count 2) and/or
VIOLENCE to Life, Health and Physical or Mental Well-Being of Persons, in particular MURDER, a Violation of Article 3 Common to the Geneva Conventions and of Additional Protocol II , punishable under Article 3.a. of the Statute (Count 3)
16. The Trial Chamber finds that the Prosecution has proved beyond reasonable doubt that members of the RUF, AFRC, AFRC/RUF Junta or alliance, and/or Liberian fighters, murdered civilians in various locations in the following districts of Sierra Leone:

17. In Kenema District between about 25 May 1997 and about 31 March 1998.
    
18. In Kono District between about 1 February 1998 and about 31 January 2000.
    
19. In Freetown and the Western Area between about 21 December 1998 and 28 February 1999.
    20. In Kailahun District between about 1 February 1998 and about 30 June 1998.

RAPE, a Crime Against Humanity, punishable under Article 2.g. of the Statute
(Count 4)
21. The Trial Chamber finds that the Prosecution has proved beyond reasonable doubt that members of the RUF, AFRC, AFRC/RUF Junta or alliance, and Liberian fighters committed widespread acts of rape against women and girls in various locations in the following districts of Sierra Leone:

22. In Kono District between about 1 February and about 31 December 1998.
    
23. In Freetown and the Western Area between about 21 December 1998 and about 28 February 1999.
    24. In Kailahun District in 1998 and 1999 women and girls were raped in various locations which were not charged in the Indictment. The Trial Chamber makes no finding of guilt for these crimes for reasons fully set out in the written judgement.

SEXUAL SLAVERY, a Crime Against Humanity, punishable under Article 2.g. of the Statute (Count 5)
25. The Trial Chamber finds that the Prosecution has proved beyond reasonable doubt that between about 30 November 1996 and about 18 January 2002, members of the RUF, AFRC, AFRC/RUF Junta or alliance and Liberian fighters committed widespread acts of sexual slavery against civilian women and girls in Sierra Leone in various locations in the following districts of Sierra Leone:

26. In Kono District between about 1 February 1998 and about 31 December 1998.
    
27. In Kailahun District in 1998 and 1999.
    
28. In Freetown and the Western Area between about 21 December 1998 and about 28 February 1999.

OUTRAGES UPON PERSONAL DIGNITY, a Violation of Article 3 Common to the Geneva Conventions and of Additional Protocol II, punishable under Article 3.e. of the Statute (Count 6).


29. The Trial Chamber finds that the Prosecution has proved beyond reasonable doubt that members of the RUF, AFRC, AFRC/RUF Junta or alliance and Liberian fighters committed widespread acts of outrages upon the personal dignity of civilian women and girls by acts such as forcing them to undress in public and by raping them and committing other acts of sexual abuse sometimes in full view of the public, and in full view of family members, in various locations in the following districts of Sierra Leone:

30. In Kono District between about 1 February 1998 and about 31 December 1998;
    
31. In Freetown and the Western Area between about 21 December 1998 and about 28 February 1999;

32. In Kailahun District in 1998 and 1999 outrages upon personal dignity were committed against women and girls in various locations not charged in the Indictment. The Trial Chamber makes no finding of guilt for these crimes for reasons fully set out in the written judgement.


VIOLENCE to life, health and physical or mental well-being of persons, in particular CRUEL TREATMENT, a Violation of Article 3 Common to the Geneva Conventions and of Additional Protocol II, punishable under Article 3.a. of the Statute (Count 7); and/or
OTHER INHUMANE ACTS, a Crime Against Humanity, punishable under Article 2.i. of the Statute (Count 8)


33. The Trial Chamber finds that the Prosecution has proved beyond reasonable doubt that members of the RUF, AFRC, AFRC/RUF Junta or alliance, and Liberian fighters committed widespread acts of physical violence against civilians in various locations in the following districts of Sierra Leone:
34. In Kono District between about 1 February 1998 and about 31 December 1998, civilians were forced to endure cruel treatment including having words carved into their bodies, and amputations of limbs.
35. In Kailahun District, crimes of physical violence were committed not charged in the Indictment. The Trial Chamber makes no findings of guilt for these crimes for reasons fully set out in the written judgement.
36. In Freetown and the Western Area between about 21 December 1998 and about 28 February 1999 civilians were subjected to cruel treatment, including the amputations of limbs.

CONSCRIPTING OR ENLISTING CHILD SOLDIERS INTO THE ARMED FORCES OR USING THEM IN HOSTILITIES, and Other Serious Violations of International Humanitarian Law, punishable under Article 4.c. of the Statute (Count 9)


37. The Trial Chamber finds that the Prosecution has proved beyond reasonable doubt that between about 30 November 1996 and about 18 January 2002, members of the RUF, AFRC, AFRC/RUF Junta or alliance and Liberian fighters conscripted and enlisted children under the age of 15 into their armed groups and used them to participate actively in the hostilities in the following districts of Sierra Leone:
38. In Tonkolili District, children under the age of 15 were abducted and conscripted into the RUF at Kangari Hills from early 1996 until May 1997. Between 500 and 1000 children had “RUF” carved into their forehead or back to prevent escape.
39. In Kailahun District, children under the age of 15 were conscripted into the RUF throughout 1998 and 1999, and underwent military training at Bunumbu training base, also known as “Camp Lion”, and at Buedu Field.
40. In Kono District during the Indictment period, children under the age of 15 were conscripted into the RUF and AFRC at various locations and were used to participate actively in hostilities and to amputate limbs, guard diamond mines, go on food-finding missions, as bodyguards, to man checkpoints and in armed combat.
41. In Bombali District, children under the age of 15 were conscripted into the RUF and AFRC between 1998 and 2000, underwent military training at various locations and participated actively in hostilities.
42. In Port Loko District between January 1999 and April/May 1999, a child under the age of 15 was abducted, conscripted into the AFRC and used for active participation in hostilities in Masiaka.
43. In Kenema District during the Junta period, children under the age of 15 were used as armed guards for mining sites.

44. In Koinadugu District between March and May 1998, children under the age of 15 were used to participate actively in hostilities and at least one child under the age of 15 was used to fight against the Kamajors.
45. In Freetown and the Western Area, children under the age of 15 were used to participate actively in hostilities in Benguema from the end of January until March 1999 and during the Freetown attack in January 1999.


ENSLAVEMENT, a Crime Against Humanity, punishable under Article 2.c. of the Statute (Count 10)
46. The Trial Chamber finds that the Prosecution has proved beyond reasonable doubt that between 30 November 1996 and about 18 January 2002, members of the RUF, AFRC, AFRC/RUF Junta or alliance and Liberian fighters intentionally exercised powers of ownership over civilians by depriving them of their freedom and forcing them to work, thus committing the crime of enslavement in various locations in the following districts of Sierra Leone:
47. In Kenema District between about 1 July 1997 and about 28 February 1998, civilians were abducted and forced to mine for diamonds.
48. In Kono District throughout 1998 and 1999, civilians were abducted and used as forced labour to carry loads, perform domestic chores, go on food-finding missions, undergo military training, and work in diamond mines.
49. In Kailahun District between 30 November 1996 and July 2000 civilians were abducted and used as forced labour to carry loads, collect arms and ammunition, construct the Buedu airstrip, undergo military training, farm, fish, perform domestic chores and go on food-finding missions.
50. In Freetown and the Western Area between about 21 December 1998 and about 28 February 1999, civilians were abducted and used as forced labour to carry loads, perform domestic chores and destroy a bridge.

PILLAGE, a Violation of Article 3 Common to the Geneva Conventions and of Additional Protocol II, punishable under Article 3.f. of the Statute (Count 11)
51. The Trial Chamber finds that the Prosecution has proved beyond reasonable doubt that members of the RUF, AFRC, AFRC/RUF Junta or alliance, and Liberian fighters, engaged in widespread and unlawful taking of civilian property in various locations in the following districts of Sierra Leone:
52. In Kono District, between about 1 February 1998 and about 31 December 1998, civilian goods were looted, money and diamonds were looted from a bank and, as part of ‘Operation Pay Yourself’, civilian homes and shops were looted.
53. In Bombali District, numerous instances of looting of civilian property occurred between 1 February 1998 and 30 April 1998. Money from a bank was also looted.
54. In Port Loko District between 1 February 1998 and 30 April 1998 there were numerous instances of looting of civilian property as part of Operation Pay Yourself.
55. In Freetown and the Western Area between about 21 December 1998 and about 28 February 1999, widespread looting of civilian property from residences and businesses occurred.


ACTS OF TERRORISM, a Violation of Article 3 Common to the Geneva Conventions and of Additional Protocol II, punishable under Article 3.d. of the Statute ( Count 1)
56. The Trial Chamber finds that the Prosecution has proved beyond reasonable doubt that members of the RUF, AFRC, AFRC/RUF Junta or alliance, and Liberian fighters committed acts of terrorism by committing the crimes described in counts 2 to 8 as part of a campaign to terrorize the civilian population of Sierra Leone.
57. There was evidence in the crimes described in counts 2 to 8 of public executions and amputations; people were beheaded and their heads displayed at checkpoints; during “Operation No Living Thing,” during the Junta Period in Kenema Town, a civilian was killed in full public view and then his body was disembowelled and his intestines stretched across the road to make a “checkpoint”; women and girls were raped in public; people were burned alive in their homes. The Trial Chamber finds beyond reasonable doubt that the purpose of these atrocities charged in counts 2 to 8 was to instil terror in the civilian population.

58. However, some acts of violence, even when committed in a campaign whose primary purpose was to terrorise the civilian population, may not have been committed in furtherance of such a campaign. The Trial Chamber finds that this is the case with the acts of violence underlying the crimes of Child Soldiers (Count 9), Enslavement (Count 10), and Pillage (Count 11). The Trial Chamber therefore finds that the crime of acts of terrorism has not been established for these counts.
59. The Trial Chamber also finds that the Prosecution has proved beyond reasonable doubt that acts of terrorism were committed by the widespread burning of civilian property with the primary purpose of terrorizing the civilian population in various locations in Kono District between about 1 February 1998 and about 31 December 1998, and in various locations in Freetown and Western Area between about 21 December 1998 and February 1999. 

The Top Rumors of Liberia's Elections, So Far

Monrovia is so unique in many ways, one of which has been particularly pronounced this fall: constant waves of rumor and intrigue. America may have its cable chattering classes and plugged-in pundits, but this town is all tongue-wagging and tale-trading, which can give legs to some incredulous whoppers.

Since the start of the campaign season, the Monrovia rumor mill has been churning out such frequent, fantastical tales and apocryphal episodes that this town makes a rural boarding school look like a scientific review board.

Quite aside from theories involving the Nobel-prize committee rigging Liberia's elections, or any story having to do with Prince Johnson, here is a review of some of the biggest eyebrow-raisers to sweep this city since mid-September, with some follow-up, where possible, of what real and factual events might have fueled the collective imagination.

1A. A member of President Sirleaf's personal security was killed (by UN forces, other bodyguards, burglars, a lover, a rival, or himself) while attempting to:

a. assassinate the President while she was campaigning in Bong or Nimba County

b. help ambush her convoy in Bong or Nimba County

c. planning either (a) or (b) as part of the President's guard detail or advance security crew.

d. leaping in front of the President and taking a bullet for her during (a) or (b)

1B. A member of President Sirleaf's personal security died from a gunshot while:

a. fighting with his girlfriend

b. fighting over a girl

c. cleaning or toying with his gun

d. taking a bath or shower

e. falling under random attack by burglars

f. committing suicide

DATE OF RUMOR: September 24-26 and onwards

STATUS: REMAINS UNCLEAR. The only confirmed portion of this is that George WIlliams, a member of the President's special security service, died of a gunshot wound in Ganta. The extraordinary, early version of this rumor, that the President herself was shot at but only survived due to a bullet-proof vest and/or the intervention of Mr. WIlliams or another member of her security and/or UNMIL guard(s), seems to be totally untrue. Just what happened remains the subject of speculation, as timing (and location deep inside Prince Johnson's home turf) of such an individual's death from a bullet raises plenty of suspicions and details of the investigation have been little-broadcast and drowned out by later election coverage.

2. At the voting booth on election day, George Weah's vote was immediately invalidated by officials because Weah foolishly:

a. used too much ink to mark his thumb-print on the ballot, causing his ballot card to drip with ink, bleeding through the other side and causing potential invalidation of other votes in the sealed ballot box with so much gooey ink

b. dipped his finger in ink before he had voted, therefore technically being counted as having already voted even though he had yet to cast his ballot.

DATE: Story started around 12-14 October, the days after the election.

STATUS: UNTRUE. Although this tale sounds like a perfectly entertaining episode of the tired, never-ending myth, oh-that-Weah-is-just-a-dumb-jock, in fact pretty much the opposite happened in reality: Weah had taken took the opportunity of casting his valid vote to point out the shortcomings and potential pitfalls of the ink-dipping system in front of the media. The first clue that this story was off was that its not clear that poll station staff would have any authority to invalidate anyone's vote at the moment of casting the ballot.

3. Both a Unity Party District Office, and the CDC-Friendly Love FM Radio Station in Sinkor suffered fire damage within a 48 period, due to:

a. A crazed rebel mob sweeping from one end of town to the other in the middle of the night.

b. Factions of Political Parties looking to incite fear and chaos

c. The owners or the political parties themselves, trying to reposition themselves as victims of violence and chaos.

d. Looters/Apolitical Hooligans

DATE: Early Saturday, October 15th for UP office; The night of October 16/17 for Love FM Radio Station.

STATUS: CAUSE OF BOTH FIRES UNKNOWN, despite the arrest of suspects. Other than the fact that both structures suffered fire, it is unclear which of the above reasons is or are true. We can, thankfully, eliminate (a) of course, which was the apocalyptic version of choice in the early hours of Saturday when word first spread that a UP office was ablaze.

4. Ballots were stuffed and/or tampered with

DATE: 12 October onwards

STATUS: UNVERIFIED. Despite supporting photographic evidence, no independent body has confirmed these claims, which were put forth by the CDC. International monitors have largely praised the poll.

The photographs themselves have been questioned, as it seems incredible that an illegal operation to stuff or tamper with ballots under cover of night would welcome flash photography. Paradoxically, the report failed to gain widespread credibility seemingly because of its supporting photographic evidence, which was even shown on Al Jazeera for at least one news cycle.

5. The CDC Candidate, Winston Tubman, was rushed to the UN hospital with high-blood pressure, nearly having a coronary incident due to the sudden news that Prince Johnson was endorsing Sirleaf in the Second Round. Tubman was later flown to Ghana for treatment, even though this was masked as a campaign-related journey to consult with other West African politicians.

STATUS: MOSTLY TRUE, except for some important details. The early, theatrical rumor of Friday, that Tubman swooned with a near heart-attack because of the PYJ news, was easy to dismiss-- how would anyone know the cognitive trigger that causes another person's cardiac episode?

All the same, this is perhaps the most annoying and endless rumor episode, because (1) it was denied but was true at the time, and was otherwise handled poorly in terms of media and public relations by the Tubman/CDC camp (2) there is a big difference between, on the one hand, getting malaria or some other common ailment in Liberia and going to see a physician, who happens to work at a hospital, and on the other hand being rushed to the hospital with a serious condition which requires airlifting for treatment in another country.

With its outright denials of what was days later confirmed to be true, and otherwise lack of timely messaging on the situation, the story stayed way out in front of the CDC, to the point of open speculation in the press and social media that Tubman would withdraw from the run-off, and George Weah would move to the the top of the ticket in the second round.

5A. A major coalition of leading opposition parties, including the CDC is withdrawing from the elections.

5B. The CDC is withdrawing from/boycotting the run-off.

DATE: The coalition withdrawal was announced on 15 October, with threatened boycott by CDC being a constant refrain from then until the present.

STATUS: ???? As to the first part, News of a coalition withdrawal was true, even up to having put the declaration in writing, except a few days later the CDC and other small parties continued to be in.

Despite constant, strenuous, and confusingly contrary claims, the status of the second part is unclear, with daily reports that the CDC is serious, including a recent announcement of an official withdrawal--although its Presidential candidate Winston Tubman is publicly complaining that he wasn't consulted. Standing in a poll is sort of a binary position of either being in or not, but in this case, there is no point speculating on the ultimate outcome, despite official pronouncements. Only November 8th will tell whether the CDC is in fact part of the run-off.

6. National Elections Commission Chairman James Fromayan is being fired or is resigning, because:

a. it is the demand of the opposition due to fraud (see for example #4 and #5A/B above)

b. he mistakenly sent a letter to the CDC mixing up their results and misstating that they had the most votes in the first round

c. it is the behest of President Sirleaf and the Unity Party, to take the fall and undermine complaints about the close connections between NEC and the UP.

d. A combination of b and c.

DATE: Howling over NEC impartiality transformed into calls for Fromayan's resignation after the sloppy letter was circulated on 27 October. First broadcast of word of Fromayan's resignation came on the afternoon of 28 October, apparently on True FM, but no official announcement came until the afternoon of Sunday, 30 October.

STATUS: TRUE. Confirmed about 48 hours after it was everyone's lips, including talk radio in Monrovia, and the Chairman claimed the backwards-letter was not reason enough to resign, and the NEC's public information chief was sacked. Remarkably, the reasons stated in Fromayan's quote are basically all the above. His removal undermines the CDC's cries of injustice, and makes President Sirleaf look decisive and democratic. It is uncommonly frank anywhere to admit to falling on a sword for the sake of a patron, but especially for this town.

The Qaddafi Connection

Many journalists (such as Al Jazeera correspondent's blog) and bloggers (such as Fred van der Kraaij's Liberia Past & Present) have recently reviewed the decades-long patronage of successive Liberian leaders by the recently-deceased Qaddafi, so it seems redundant to repeat that history here, except to reiterate that several of Monrovia's most prominent landmarks have at various times been the property or pet project of the Libyan dictator and his government.

This portfolio specifically includes the Pan-African Plaza, a name it can be imagined that Qaddafi chose himself. As an office tower, it manages to be both squat and soaring, and commands a prominent sightline at the terminus of Tubman Boulevard, opposite Monrovia City Hall. PAP, as its frequently called, was apparently constructed for a Libyan Corporation in 1982-83 as an office complex.

The tower currently houses UNMIL's headquarters, a situation which I can't decide whether  it is ironic, or not, but it is both heavily fortified and somewhat nicely appointed inside, including one of Liberia's few elevator banks and some nice material details in the circulation corridors.

The other grand dame of Libya's investment activity is the involvement in the refurbishment of the Ducor Hotel. I've discussed this before, but at this point it is presumed that the 2008 plan to have a Libyan Investment corporation take over the property for reopening is at best stalled and likely dead. As one of the monumental ruins of the Liberian Civil War, prominently perched at the highest point in the city and perhaps the ultimate symbol of Monrovia's lost grandeur and international importance, the Ducor's return continues to be highly anticipated.

Qaddafi's relationships with various Presidents and their administrations, from Doe to Taylor to Sirleaf, switch on and off so frequently that it is difficult to confirm exact details and Libyan involvement with these landmarks. Its not clear whether Libya retained ownership of Pan African Plaza from its inception, or whether it was seized when relations were cut-off, only to become involved again in better times, and whether the United Nations had to negotiate with Libya for its lease. Since only Liberians can own land, there is also the question of who owns title to the ground beneath both Pan-African Plaza and the Ducor Hotel, whether a private individual, the Liberian government, or perhaps a church.

Its also not clear what support Qaddafi might have given to realize the once-luxurious Hotel Africa and Unity Conference Center complex, which both stand today unimproved from the day that the conference ended.

Lastly, there is one more piece of Libyan property in the city that remains vacant: the Embassy. Although one of the earliest and most eye-wateringly moving moments of the recent revolution was the brave defecting of Libya's UN Ambassador, who replaced Qaddafi's green flag with the tricolor of the NTC on Libya's midtown NYC mission, the People's Bureau of the Great Socialist People's Libyan Arab Jamahiriya (how redundant is that!) remains both Green Book-and-gold trimmed and seemingly vacant.

Presumably the new Libyan government will both abandon the ridiculous and redundant nomenclature of their foreign legations, and reopen these stations, but since the Sirleaf administration cut official ties with Qaddafi earlier this year, this block of 14th Street in Sinkor has been especially quiet.

Mines and Undermining Minors who Mine Them

At the present time, Liberia's economic growth is in significant part due to the recommencement of iron ore and other natural resource export, with lots of excitement around the Chevron exploration announcement. President Sirleaf mentioned, in her talk at the CDG last week, the hurdles in avoiding resource curse, and spreading the benefits of these billion of dollars in investments to all of Liberia's citizens, which is an on-going struggle.

With that in mind, recently, several interesting episodes have been playing out in southern Africa, namely Zambia, Zimbabwe, and South Africa, which might be educational cautionary tales for Liberia and other economies which have just inked concession agreements and are commencing resource exports:

In Zimbabwe, the administration of Robert Mugabe is trying to both attract $6,000,000,000 in foreign investment in the sector over the next 5 years, while at the same time forcing foreign entities to surrender a majority stake in their operations to locals by the end of September. The contradictory nature of this agenda seems not apparent to the administration. Also, the roster of Zimbabwean businesses and investors in a position to acquire such shares may be a short list, and the scarcity of such buyers would effect the prices of these equity stakes in such a fire sale. (Thanks to Todd Moss of CDG for the link).

Speaking of the Mugabe administration acquiring mining assets and less than transparent circumstances, Zimbabwe was also approved to export diamonds under the Kimberely Process. These would be coming from operations that the military violently seized by force in 2008. The individual who seems to have had decision making power in this is Mathieu Yamba Lapfa Lambang, of the DR Congo, who is currently the Kimberely Chairman.

This dovetails well with other regional news on state-ownership of mines: In South Africa, there has been on-going talk of nationalizing mining companies, which some say would be merely a bailout and windfall for a clique of powerful, corrupt elites in and around the ruling ANC. So much so that prominent South African communists are against nationalization, which is the making of an Onion headline. Interesting how the South African saga is one chapter ahead of Zimbabwe's local-ownership decrees.

By the way, if you're unaware of South Africa's Aurora Mining saga, may I suggest the BBC African Perspectives Podcast as an introduction to the topic.

Elsewhere in southern Africa, there has also been an enormous deal of backlash in Zambia against extraction-extract entities, as this accounts for around 3/4 of Zambia's export earnings, but only about 10% of tax revenue.

Khadija Sharife wrote this eye-opening, jaw-dropping opinion piece on Al Jazeera last week concerning Zambia's predicament (thanks to zungzungu for the link). Its not the first time that someone's argued that the supposedly squeeky-clean, least-corrupt nations, such as lily-white Switzerland, are in fact the very center of global corruption.

What I hadn't heard before is Sharife's in-depth analysis supporting his position that the Extraction Industry Transparency Initiative-- of which Liberia was one of the first signatory countries-- disadvantages the less-developed partner government, and allows the foreign corporate investor nearly-limitless options for not only avoiding taxes both in the host country and elsewhere, but also to employ a range of amoral tricks of accounting for all types of bribery and corruption.

Each of these country's handling of its mining sector, its valuable assets and previous foreign investment, is critical not only to its own economic destiny, but beyond its borders. Nearly every sub-Saharan economy relies primarily on mining and extraction. Liberia, still in the nascent stages of economic stability, is balancing the promises of future prosperity in large part on mining--and how it addresses similar issues and concerns that of broadening the benefits to more Liberians.

Making it from Liberia to America (via Al Jazeera)

Yesterday's post reprinting a passage from Teju Cole's Open City about the journey of a young Liberian across North Africa to reach New York, reminded me of this documentary short produced by Casey Kauffman of Al Jazeera, which was posted at Bombastic Elements last fall. The story begins on the streets of Monrovia and ends up in the US: